When the octogenarian Yashwant Sinha writes on opposition politics, it is time to sit up and take note of what the highly-respected well informed former finance minister has to say: “Indian National Development Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) was formed with a great deal of fanfare on July 18, 2023, a few months before 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Although it didn’t win the election, the INDIA bloc gave Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) a run for its money,” he wrote in an op-ed article titled ‘An Action Plan for the INDIA Bloc to Get Its Act Together’.

He added: “BJP lost as many as 63 seats and its tally came down from 303 to 240, 32 short of the majority mark in the House. A loss of another 20 seats would surely have seen Prime Minister Narendra Modi out of office. He was lucky he survived by the skin of his teeth with the support of an unprincipled Nitish Kumar and a selfish Chandra Babu Naidu.” Yashwant Sinha rarely minces his words. “In the elections, the Congress party won enough seats (99) for its floor leader Rahul Gandhi to be formally recognised as the Leader of Opposition.

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But since then, the BJP has won a number of state level elections and regained its mojo,” he said, adding, “Modi has gone back to his old ways and is doing what he is best at doing: spreading communalism, destroying institutions and stifling democracy. The INDIA bloc has been making some noises but it is nothing more than a cry in the wilderness. Given these circumstances what sho – uld the bloc do? Let me attempt an answer based on my long experience of coalition politics in India.” He outlined the existential crisis which the country is facing. “Forces of darkness that stood defeated in the run up to the country’s independence and had nothing to do with it have not only raised its head again but are clearly in ascendance now and if not defeated in time, will pose long-term danger to its future.

No country can progress economically, socially and politically on the shifting sands of communalism and yet that is what the BJP is trying to do; not that it believes in Hinduism but because it has become a handy tool for misguiding people and garnering their votes. The time to defeat these forces is now. By tomorrow it may be too late.” Sinha wants the INDIA bloc to act on a number of fronts without losing any more time, with ideological clarity, a clear vision of the future, organisational cohesion and an action plan to meet the challenges created by a developing situation.

He said, “My suggestions are: the bloc should set up a committee of in-house and outside intellectuals to prepare a vision document for India, containing an alternative set of values and a programme of action to take on BJP’s divisive politics. On the organisational side, it should set up a committee of equals (COE) consisting of heads of all alliance parties…Under the COE, there should be an empowered steering committee consisting of one important leader each from the alliance. The ste e ring committee should take day to day decisions, form a strong secretariat headed by a secretary general with other office-bearers.

The secretariat will be the locomotive which pulls the alliance train.” Along the track of modern day coalition politics, the iconic personality of Maharana Sanga emerges from the dusty battlefields of the 16th century CE. He surprisingly continues to remain in the news. The battle-scarred Maharana of Mewar, his official name was Sangram Singh I, built up a confederacy of kingdoms, big and small, to counter armies of the Delhi Sultans, and later Babur, the Timurid invader. His very name ‘Sangram’ means battle or struggle in Hindi. There are many lessons that can be learnt from his struggles in pre-modern times, and several lessons resonate with Sinha’s action plan.

One of the first battles he had to wage was within the Royal Family itself. Kunwar Sangram Singh was one among the 13 sons of Maharana Raimal and Rani Ratan Kanwar, daughter of Jhala Rajdhar. Brave and ambitious from an early age, he saw a bitter struggle for his father’s gaddi or throne break out betw – een the Princes Prithviraj, Jaimal and Jai Singh. Be it modern-day historians or bards centuries years ago, they find in these royal battles, shades of the epics Mahabharata and Ramayana where future Kings are compelled to find friendly shelter and learn bitter truths of realpolitik to emerge as leaders, stronger than ever.

In Ajmer, a desert-town already famous for the dargah of Sufi saint Moinuddin Chisti, the young Prince of Mewar sought refuge with Karamchand Panwar who helped him recover from the wounds and humiliation he had faced. Being with a mentor and learning from him is truly an experience that lasts a lifetime. When Professors John L Ward of Kellogg School of Management and Kavil Ramachandran of ISB Hyderabad began their study of the House of Mewar in 2008-09, they highlighted facets of leadership and ‘management by consensus’ which is in sync with contemporary business and political environment.

Rana San ga’s taking charge of the Kingdom of Mewar in 1509 CE was itself an instance of consensus among the nobility and family-members, including royal women. Maharana Raimal wanted Prince Jai Singh to be his successor; it was decided otherwise by a council formed after the Maharana passed away. Titled ‘India’s Mewar Dynasty: Upholding 76 generations of service and custodianship’, the professors’ case-study underscored importance of the kingdom not being fragmented despite pulls and pressures. With Sanga at the helm of Mew ar, there were a series of defensive wars, including skirmishes with rulers of Delhi, Gujarat and Malwa. Where the Rana scored, and proved his mettle as a ‘leader of leaders’ was through his ability to form a confederation of Rajput states. His bid for control of north India was based on a sound diplomatic and military strategy to first unite the Hindus and Muslims and then fight the invaders.

Demonstrating astute leadership, Rana Sanga appointed powerful nobles along the borders of Mewar. In the north-east, Karmachand Panwar was appointed ‘Rawat’ and given the responsibility of Ajmer, Parbatsar, Mandal, Phulia, Banera as Jagirs with revenues of Rs 15 lakh. The Rana then allied with rulers of Sirohi in the south and Vagad in the west. He helped Raimal for his claim on the throne of Idar, winning his support. These leadership qualities, and investing in other leaders who became his support, makes Rana Sanga an admirable leader of leaders from whom modern day political personalities can learn many lessons.

The Rana was generous in grants of land and jagirs to his people. Inscriptions at Nilkanth Mahadev temple at Kumbhalgarh and Dovani copper plate, describe the Maharana’s benevolence and welfare towards the people. Mewar, strategically located at the crossroads of trade and commerce, was witnessing constant movement of people, goods and ideas. These routes along the Aravalis strengthened Mewar’s connection with the northern and eastern parts of the sub-continent. Delhi and Ujjain seemed equidistant.

From 1517 to 1527 CE, Rana Sanga’s military might left its mark not just in history books but also the battlefields of Khatoli, Chittaurgarh, Kandar near Ranthambhore, Bayana, Khanwa and Panipat: these battlefields are considered sacred by historians like Kaviraj Shyamaldas, GH Ojha, GN Sharma and Harbilas Sarda who mapped every military manoeuver of the Rana and his confederation. They lauded and recorded the Rana’s ability to bring Rajput royals and nobility together, showcased his skills in diplomacy, communications, and his ability to impress army commanders with muscle power.

The Rana, a veteran of many battles, carried innumerable scars and wounds on his person but firmly believed in leading from the front. Professors Ward and Ramachandran commented on Rana’s singular achievement: the confederacy of armies that he formed between 1525 to 1527 CE. Many Rajput Hindu Kings and nobles fought under the banner of Rana Sanga against the Mughals. In management parlance, it is a consortium, a conglomerate formed with clearly defined goals.

Prominent in the confederacy were: Prithviraj the ruler of Amer, Rawal Udai Singh of Dungarpur, Medani Rai ruler of Chanderi, Kunwar Kalyanmal, Raimal Rathore, Rawat Bagh Singh, Bharmal the Raja of Idar, Rao Ganga, Narbad Hada, Ramdas Songara, Khetsi, Rawat Joga, Ratan Singh, Veeramdev, Gokuldas Parmar, Jhala Sajja, Jhala Ajja, Rawat Ratan Singh Chundawat, Chandra Bhan, Manak Chand Chouhan, Raja Nar Singh Dev Chauhan, Mehmood Khan Lodhi, Veer Singh Dev, Hasan Khan, Raja Brahmadev and Rai Dilip…the list seems endless.

At a glittering award function in the City Palace, Udaipur in April 2000, the late Sir V S Naipaul referred to battles which Mewar had fought. He said, “Mewar’s kings may have lost some crucial battles but today I can see that they have won the war.” With INDIA politics, it is time now for the parties to invest in each other, and set their sights on winning battles and not losing the war, quite like the clarion-call of Sinha

(The writer is a researcher writer on history and heritage issues and a former deputy curator of Pradhanmantri Sangrahalaya)