India’s linguistic and cultural plurality is at the heart of its civilizational ethos. It is one of the few nations in the world where the Constitution itself recognizes 22 official languages in the Eighth Schedule, while thousands of other languages and dialects are spoken across its length and breadth.

This plurality has not only coexisted with national unity but has nourished it, weaving a complex and rich identity. In such a milieu, language is more than just a tool of communication; it is a bearer of culture, memory, history, and imagination. The role of language policy, therefore, becomes critical ~ not merely as a technical or administrative matter but as one with profound socio-political consequences. It is within this context that the Three-Language Formula, first introduced in the National Policy on Education in 1968, deserves a serious and renewed endorsement.

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At a time when attempts are being made to prioritize Hindi in national and international forums, often at the cost of other languages, a reassertion of the three-language model is essential for preserving India’s democratic fabric and inclusive vision of nationhood. The Three-Language Formula, in its original form, was designed to promote multilingualism and foster national integration. The policy recommended that students in Hindi-speaking states learn Hindi, English, and a modern Indian language from the South.

Conversely, students in non-Hindi-speaking states would learn their regional language, Hindi, and English. The idea was to ensure that no part of India remained alien to another and that a certain degree of inter-regional linguistic empathy and cross-cultural literacy would evolve. The formula was not just pedagogical but profoundly political: it sought to strike a balance between unity and diversity, between the need for a link language and the necessity of safeguarding linguistic pride and regional identity. Yet, over time, the implementation of the formula has been inconsistent, and the intended spirit has often been subverted by partisan and centralising tendencies.

Nowhere is this more evident than in the attempts to promote Hindi asad facto national language, whether through administrative directives, education policies, or symbolic gestures such as the expensive and largely symbolic bid to make Hindi an official language of the United Nations ~ a move estimated to cost over Rs. 250 crore and with little practical benefit. In 2022, India’s External Affairs Minister, S. Jaishankar, reaffirmed the government’s commitment to pursuing this goal, although Hindi is not am – ong the top ten most spoken languages in UN for ums and is not used in any significant mea – sure in global diplomacy.

This is not just a waste of re s – ources; it also sends a troubling message about whose languages are considered prestigious and whose are not. While symbolic recognition of Hindi has its place, the attempt to elevate it over other Indian languages undermines the federal spirit and pluralism enshrined in the Constitution. Tamil Nadu, for instance, has historically resisted the imposition of Hindi. The anti-Hindi agitations of the 1960s were not merely linguistic pro tests ~ they were assertions of cultural autonomy, of a refu – sal to let a centralized idea of India override regional identities. These agitations significantly shaped the state’s political landscape and resulted in Tamil Nadu consistently opting for a two-language formula ~ Tamil and English ~ in schools, refusing to introduce Hindi as a compulsory subject.

Their stand, rooted in the broader Dravidian movement, reflects a legitimate anxiety that the privileging of Hindi would erode linguistic diversity and marginalize non-Hindi speakers in the national discourse. Language is not just about words; it is about access, dignity, and power. In a multilingual society, any attempt to impose a single language risks disenfranchising those for whom that language is not a natural medium of expression. Consider the judiciary, where, despite constitutional guarantees, most proceedings occur in English, and in many states, the dominance of Hindi in administrative exams and processes makes it harder for candidates from non-Hindispeaking regions to compete fairly.

Even in digital India, where translation and access technologies are rapidly evolving, the linguistic divide persists. Children in many rural regions still struggle with basic reading comprehension when taught in languages unfamiliar to them at home. The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 attempts to revisit the Three-Language Formula by allowing more flexibility and emphasizing mother tongue instruction until at least Grade 5. This is a welcome move in principle, backed by research from UNESCO and neuroscientists that children learn best in their mother tongues during early developmental stages.

However, the policy stops short of mandating the three-language formula uniformly and leaves many decisions to states, leading to inconsistent application. Furthermore, the NEP’s wording leaves space for the central government to push Hindi subtly under the guise of promoting Indian languages. Rather than letting language become a battleground for power, India should view it as a path to inclusive growth. A proper implementation of the Three-Language Formula ~ ensuring every student learns their regional language, Hindi or another Indian language, and English ~ can cultivate trilingual citizens.

These individuals can engage with their communities through their mother tongue, participate in national discourse via a link language, and access global opportunities through English.

Such a model fosters both identity and integration. Crucially, the formula must remain flexible, allowing for regional context, individual choice, and gradual adaptation. The goal is not uniformity but meaningful multilingual literacy. Beyond school education, the state should also invest in creating institutional ecosystems that celebrate and develop all Indian languages. This includes funding translation projects, encouraging multilingual publishing, supporting linguistics research in regional universities, and incentivizing film and media production in regional languages.

There is also a need to standardize orthographies and develop technology that can cater to Indian languages ~ keyboard inputs, voice recognition, natural language processing, and ma chine translation. The current domination of English and Hindi in the digital space can and should be countered by deliberate linguistic engineering that reflects India’s true diversity. The reassertion of the ThreeLanguage Formula also has global resonance. In an age of cultural homogenization and rising ethnonationalism, India can offer a unique model of how linguistic pluralism can coexist with a robust democratic state.

The European Union, for example, has 24 official languages and continues to operate effectively through a system of translation, education, and respect for linguistic rights. India, too, can strengthen its internal coherence by ensuring that all its citizens feel seen and heard in their languages. At its core, the question of language is the question of whose voice matters. The ThreeLanguage Formula is not merely an education policy ~ it is a vision of India that recognizes that unity is best forged not through sameness but through dialogue, translation, and mutual learning.

In rejecting the narrow nationalism of linguistic supremacy and embracing the Three-Language Formula, India reaffirms that its unity lies in embracing the full spectrum of its voices, not in suppressing them. The road to national integration lies not in mono-lingualism but in the generous accommodation of all languages and respect for individual choice. Only then can we live up to the promise of the Constitution ~ that of liberty of thought and expression, and the assurance of dignity to all communities, in all their mother tongues.

(The writer is an author, political analyst, and columnist)