The sense of betrayal is always the worst thing to happen. It is perhaps more relevant for a transparent society like the Nagas — a proud race given to strong faith in traditional customs and often known for peculiarities of past like head hunting. The peculiarity or whatever one would call it, strong male chauvanism is one such trait of the Nagas.
Thus those associated with the Naga way of life, in one way or another, were hardly stumped when Naga tribal groups took to the streets opposing women’s  reservation quota for elections to the urban local bodies.
Therefore, the aggression and mayhem in Nagaland over opposition on  the issue, as analysed by several North-east observers, actually, only “talks of a social paradox”.
For those who love Nagaland and its people, the episode will transform how one understands Naga prejudices and of course, the present psychic tug of war.  
The episode has finally led to a change of guard. Veteran regionalist Shurhozielie Liezietsu has now replaced the embattled chief minister TR Zeliang, who was forced out of office by persistent demand from tribal bodies for allegedly mishandling the protest over women’s reservation.
The Communist Party of India has reacted angrily. Its general  secretary,  Sudhakar Reddy  said in a statement that  “ it is a blatant and shameful betrayal of the Constitution and gender justice. This amounts to going back to the 19th century.  Mobocracy and male chauvinistic politics have overtaken positive reforms of gender justice. The government should take strong action against such type of attitudes of a particular state.” 
There is no gainsaying in pointing out that notwithstanding Christianity and English education, the socio-political fabric always favoured men over women in Nagaland. And Nagas would be hardly apologetic about it. This is not to suggest the women were ever discriminated against. The society has never heard of evil customs like Sati practices and so on.
Manliness is considered a virtue and that probably engulfs other issues associated with the belief. There are some contradictions but there is no society without the same.
 But some Naga contradictions have been always quite striking and notable to ignore. For example, Nagas have  always been anti-India or anti-Delhi for their support to “Naga freedom” but when it came to politics they embraced the Congress easily and even adored Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. For that matter even Indira’a cousin BK Nehru has gone down in Naga memory lane as one of the best governors while the state’s only Christian governor MM Thomas was at  the receiving end of flak.
This is not the first time Nagas have opposed the women’s quota. In 1996, when “gender sensitised” politics, albeit supported by Left parties, made waves in national politics, the influential Naga Students’ Federation wrote to a parliamentary panel chairperson, Geeta Mukherjee, opposing the enforcement of a central or federal law that would allow 33 per cent reservation for women in Indian Parliament or state assemblies. The Nagas believe women — though highly educated and that too in English — should not be allowed a free hand in administrative jobs. 
The refrain being that such a law would hit at the roots of Naga tradition. Chief ministers in office have toed the line. In 1997, the Nagaland assembly, which so far has not seen an elected woman legislator, adopted a resolution unanimously after it was moved by  then parliamentary affairs minister Z Lohe. This happened under a Congress regime when veteran SC Jamir was the chief minister,  and mind you, not a single legislator worth his salt opposed it.
Though socially advanced with a high literacy rate, Nagaland and Mizoram, also with a majority of Christians, have an unenviable record of women’s representation in their legislatures.
A fullfledged state since 1963, Nagaland is yet to elect a woman legislator. Mizoram has so far got only two women to its legislature and in 1970s, riding the anti-Indira Gandhi wave due to national emergency, Rano Shaiza of Nagaland’s United Democratic Front, was elected to the Lok Sabha.
“We Nagas have come a long way with English education. Yet, we have some more miles to go,” said a retired state information department official, and a woman, on the condition of anonymity.
So much is the male ego or the spirit of benevolence, as one sees it, that some tribal bodies like the Angami Public Organisation said they can nominate even 40-50 per cent of women to urban local bodies. The Naga women — also known for their single- minded approach to various issues — however, have rejected the offer.
Nevertheless, the protests against women reservation in civic bodies turned more political and in the ultimate led to the ouster of Zeliang. 
There are some other angles to the drama, which are often not understood from the intellectual and ivory tower prism of Delhi and the Naga way of looking, which is nothing can be wrong from our side.
Zeliang has been allegedly hobnobbing with  BJP and RSS leaders, sometimes even going out of his way. This did not go down well. Some Naga politicians accused him of forgetting “Naga rights” and no Naga worth his salt can give up the special rights guaranteed under Article 371 (A). “This was not a gift from the government of India,” said a Naga legislator who pushed the first move to replace  Zeliang — the moment the demand for his resignation was mounted by the tribal bodies.
Nagaland Tribes Action Council convener, KT Vilie said that Naga people are not against women contesting elections but they oppose reserving seats for women, especially invoking a provision of the Indian Constitution. “Once this is done, it will infringe upon the traditional and customary rights of the Naga people. The Constitution today allows a special provision and the Nagas can follow their customary laws, social practices and beliefs of the tribe unless the state legislature changes it by resolution,” he explained.
Finally, Neiphiu Rio, the  state’s  three-time chief minister  (he quit to contest the 2014 parliamentary election) failed to make a comeback to state politics even as mid-way reports suggested that 49 legislators in the 60-member assembly had backed him. 
The final endorsement from the central BJP leadership allowing Shurhozielie to take over has many facets — wheels within wheels, as they put it.
One simple interpretation is that the BJP wants to hit many birds with its “Nagaland move” endorsing Shurhozielie. The decision is also linked to the BJP’s ambitious electoral game-plans in Manipur.
The Naga People’s Front has fielded 15 candidates in the Naga-dominated hilly regions of Manipur that goes to the polls on 4 and 8 March. In the 2012 assembly elections in Manipur, the NPF had emerged as a force to reckon with and had won four seats out of the 12 it contested.
The ongoing socio-political turmoil in Nagaland may harm the NPF’s campaign in Manipur. The BJP is not ready to part away with the possible victory of NPF in six to eight seats in Manipur hills. Backing Rio to make a comeback would have split the NPF. A split in NPF at this juncture would have spoiled its electoral prospects in Manipur immensely.
The BJP, for that matter, has a tough election battle to fight in Manipur. Trying to keep its ally, the NPF in good humour, would probably help BJP keep the right balance in Manipur where the local state unit is focused on “pro-Meitei politics” in the valleys.
 
(The writer is  a New Delhi-based freelance contributor and can be contacted at swati.mili@gmail.com)