It is becoming increasingly evident that fundamentalism is on the rise in an unsettled Bangladesh. Just a few days ago, an attack was carried out on the stall of Sabyasachi Prakashan at the Amar Ekushey Book Fair for displaying books by Taslima Nasrin. Before the echoes of that incident had even faded, the Lalon Memorial Festival, scheduled to be held on 12 February 2025, in Madhupur, Tangail, was cancelled. Lalon Sangha, established in Tangail in 2017, has been organizing this festival every year.

However, this year, the event was not held because Hefazat-e-Islam in Madhupur objected to it. To ensure the smooth execution of the memorial event, the organizers of Lalon Sangha arranged a meeting with Hefazat leaders on the afternoon of February 11, following threats from the group to stop the festival. But even that meeting failed to resolve the issue. This is not the first time in recent history that a Lalon festival or memorial event has been halted in Bangladesh. A similar incident occurred in November of last year when the decade-long ‘Lalon Mela’ in Narayanganj was shut down. Once again, the threats came from Hefazate-Islam. The intensity of the threats was such that even after Lalon devotees had gathered at the fairground from various places, the district administration ultimately denied permission for the fair.

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The event was organized by Fakir Shahajalal, who later revealed in an interview with BBC Bangla that he had faced serious threats for attempting to organize the fair. Hefazat-e-Islam justified their opposition to the Narayanganj fair with a bizarre claim: they argued that the event promoted “immoral culture.” They also threatened to disrupt the fair by any means necessary if their objections were ignored. In response, cultural activists in Narayanganj organized counter-protests. However, their efforts were in vain, as the district administration refused to grant permission for the event, citing concerns over law and order.

The most alarming aspect of both incidents is the stance of the administration. In both cases, the authorities capitulated to the threats of religious leaders. Instead, standing firm, the administration should have facilitated the organization of the Lalon Mela and the Lalon Memorial Festival. But they did not. The same applies to the attack on the Sabyasachi Prakashan’s stall at the book fair. While the government issued statements condemning the incident, not a single attacker was arrested. Instead, Sabyasachi Prakashan’s representative, Shatabdi Bhava, was taken into custody.

Likewise, the government remained a silent spectator when the historic house of Sheikh Mujib at 32 Dhanmondi Road was demolished. It also failed to intervene when leftist organization Udichi’s stall was attacked at the Satkhira Book Fair. Two stalls were selling sanitary napkins at the Ekushe book fair premises. Due to objections from the fundamentalists, those stalls had to be shut down as well. What could be more shameful than this? There is no debate that Sheikh Hasina’s tenure saw numerous injustices. Even a United Nations report confirmed that during the July uprising, excessive force was used in a premeditated manner, resulting in the deaths of many innocent people, including students. The wounds of that tragedy are still raw in Bangladesh’s collective memory. It must also be acknowledged that the political landscape of Bangladesh underwent a fundamental shift after the July uprising. Stability will not return easily.

But the question remains: how sincere are Nobel Peace Prize laureate Yunus and his government in their efforts to establish peace? They may speak of peace, but their actions do not reflect it. Recently, in an interview with a West Bengal news portal, Yunus’s press advisor, Shafiqul Alam, stated, “You can be Hindu, Buddhist, Christian, atheist – whatever you wish. You can be of any gender. Human rights are the most important thing.” However, given the government’s reluctance to protect human rights, his words ring hollow – just as hollow as his assertion that their ideology includes “Nazrul, Rabindranath, Sarat Chandra, and Lalon Fakir,” especially when Lalon festivals are being shut down. Several halls of a university in Bangladesh were named after Hindu scientists and intellectuals. It is also worth mentioning that those names have also been changed.

If the Yunus government continues to act contrary to its words, similar incidents will happen even more frequently in the future. During the book fair, another incident occurred that is quite concerning. Under pressure from the fundamentalists, the Yunus government was forced to imprison poet Sohel Hasan Galib, a supporter of the July uprising. His alleged crime was using objectionable words in a poem he wrote on Nabi. After this, some of the writers and poets who were vocal supporters of the Yunus government had to call for a human chain and protest rally at the book fair to protest against Galib’s arrest, though these poets are conspicuously silent on the issue of vandalism on Sabyasachi Prakashan’s stall. The Yunus administration must realize that bowing to religious groups’ pressures is akin to riding a tiger.

The interim government has a special responsibility to ensure the security of various minority communities. Preventing attacks on shrines and temples is just as crucial as drafting a new constitution. There is enough evidence that the interim government is failing to perform its basic duties. As Dr. Muhammad Yunus’s government completes six months in power, the Rights & Risk Analysis Group (RRAG) has released an alarming report titled “Bangladesh: The Case for Establishing an OHCHR Field Office.” The report details severe human rights violations, including judicial repression, political persecution, attacks on minorities, and harsh measures against the media. According to RRAG, the judiciary has been turned into a tool of repression. As of January 31, more than 500,000 individuals associated with the previous Sheikh Hasina government were implicated in 1,520 criminal cases, with 74,224 named accused and 429,996 unidentified defendants.

Under Yunus’s administration, journalists have also faced relentless attacks – 21 criminal cases have been filed against 147 journalists, money laundering investigations have been initiated against 34 journalists, and the accreditation of 167 journalists has been revoked. On top of this, political scientists apprehend that the Yunus government might ban the Awami League in Bangladesh. However, the United Nations’ stance in this regard is very clear. “Refrain from banning political parties, as it would undermine the return to a genuine multi-party democracy and effectively disenfranchise a significant portion of Bangladeshi voters,” stated a factfinding report published by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) on last Wednesday. It must not be forgotten that minority communities in Bangladesh are also beginning to organize themselves. A direct confrontation between Hindu and Muslim extremists would spell disaster for the country’s future. It is essential to remember that there is a fundamental difference between Pakistan and Bangladesh.

Sacrificing the ideals of secularism will not bring peace and stability to Bangladesh. Excluding Lalon will endanger the very existence of Bangladesh. Hopefully, the country’s current leadership will recall that, at a critical moment in the subcontinent’s history, the national poet of Bangladesh, Kazi Nazrul Islam, wrote: “‘Are they Hindu or Muslim?’—who is asking that question?/O helmsman! Say, people are drowning—dying are my children!

(The writer is Professor, Department of English and Culture Studies, and Director, Centre for Australian Studies, the University of Burdwan.)