The nineteenth century political discourse in India was riveted to social issues and not the political. The nature of a free India became a subject of intense debate and discussion since 1927. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the most important political statement came from Bankim Chandra Chatterjee in his Ananda Math (1882) where he emphasized the need for the continuation of British rule in India. The first person to portray the vision of a free India was Tilak who proclaimed ‘Swaraj is my birth right’.
He was aware of the many faultlines and contradictions of Indian society, but laid stress on the primary goal of freedom, postponing the resolution of social ills to postindependent India. The general consensus till 1927 within the Congress leadership was to demand dominion status of self-government akin to the setup that existed in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa. Even Ambedkar accepted the demand of dominion status, provided the depressed classes were protected.
It was at the Congress session in Calcutta (1928) that Subhas Bose questioned this consensus insisting on independence with no continued British connection. But Gandhiji was still in favour of dominion status with a rider that it would be a ‘grievous blunder to put independence against dominion status or compare the two and suggest that dominion status carries humiliation with it and that independence is something that is triumphant”.
But the younger and more radical leaders like Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru rejected dominion status as they perceived it to be an imperial system, which guarantees a privileged domination of one race over others. India could not be a dominion state as it could never be a party to exploitation of Africans and placing our own countrymen to permanent subjugation by others. Nehru after his extensive travels to Europe and the former Soviet Union in 1927 clarified his views on colonial exploitation. He attended an anti-colonial meeting in Brussels, where there were delegates from Latin America, Asia and Africa.
He was most impressed by the absence of extreme inequality in the former Soviet Union. Gandhiji was observing the changes closely. He noticed the attraction of the younger generation to leftist ideas and particularly the growing influence of the Communist Party on the important textile workers in Maharasthra (Gujarat was part of the Bombay Presidency at that time). He also took note of the rise of the extreme left like the HSRA (Hindustan Socialist Republican Association) at that time.
He nominated Nehru to be the next president of the Congress in order to accommodate new ideas to maintain the party’s cohesion, still thinking that the young president with responsibility “will mellow the youth and sober the youth and prepare them for the burden they must discharge”. Meanwhile, there was a combined opposition to the Simon Commission (1927) by all the political outfits including the Congress, the Muslim League and the liberals boycotting it as it did not have a single Indian representative and there was no reference to granting dominion status.
Interestingly, the Nehru Report (1928) did not ask for complete independence but only demanded dominion status. Mahatma’s strategy paid off. But the country took an unexpected radical turn with the news of Bhagat Singh and his associates’ heroism. The Congress under the presidentship of Nehru in Lahore on 31 December 1929/1st January 1930 took the decision on Poorna Swaraj. The resolution was drafted and moved by Gandhiji. It mentioned the ill-effects of British rule in India, economically, culturally and spiritually.
The entire nation joined in raising the Tricolour with the singing of patriotic songs with a pledge to work towards India’s emancipation. Gandhiji through his newspaper called for complete discipline, restraint and dignity as they provide real strength. Apart from these qualities, he advised spinning, constructive work, service to untouchables, prohibition and Hindu- Muslim unity. The observance of the first Independence Day was a splendid success. The government’s own intelligence report conceded that celebrations were attended by an impressive number of people. The enthusiasm in Punjab was a reflection of the popular mood.
A friend of Gandhiji wrote to him from Amritsar noting that the overwhelming endorsement and participation was unprecedented even in rural areas. Another Congressman from Lahore wrote to him saying that it was a “unique demonstration” with people yearning for independence. Similar reports came from the other parts of the country. But one ominous effect was that both the Muslims and the Christians stayed away. But Gandhiji was not aware of this fact, as he was informed of impressive numbers, but not of the social cleavages.
He was convinced that a new round of civil disobedience could be started, and this led to the famous salt satyagraha in 1930. But on 5 March 1931, there was a pact between Viceroy Irwin and Gandhiji and civil disobedience was suspended. At the next Round Table Conference which had to discuss India’s future constitutional setup, Congress participation was ensured. But there was no promise of even dominion status which was an embarrassing climbdown for the Congress. The disappointment in the Congress rank and file was visible and even Nehru was dismayed and was on the brink of a rebellion.
The Government of India Act of 1935 made no promise of dominion status. Great Britain had a Conservative party government and it rejected the proposal from the labour and liberal MPs for an explicit commitment to dominion status. In 1937, G.D. Birla was of the view that with the Congress governments in power in many provinces, India should be able to attain dominion status within five years. In March 1939, when Netaji was the Congress president, he wrote a letter to the Mahatma, saying that “the time has come to force the issue of Poorna Swaraj”.
Bose thought that the international crisis had created a favourable situation for India to launch a frontal attack on the British for gaining freedom. This was rejected by the Mahatma as he thought that the time was not appropriate “for non-violent mass action”. In the summer of 1940, the Viceroy offered self-governing dominion status for India within a year after the end of the Second World War. Gandhiji rejected it as too little too late and wanted an unequivocal declaration of India’s independence after the War.
This was followed by his Quit India movement which culminated the process that began in 1929. But in all these years, the hope of independence was kept alive by celebrating 26 January as Independence Day. It was only appropriate that the Indian Constitution was promulgated on 26 January 1950, as independence without the spirit of Republicanism along with solidarity, dignity and equality would have been incomplete.
(The writer is former Professor of Political Science, Delhi University)